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About islaspatricia

Investigadora de la Universidad Autonoma de Ciudad Juarez en Cuauhtemoc, Chihuahua, Mexico. Autora de libros Menonitas de noroeste de Chihuaha, historia, educacipon y salud y Mujeres menonitas: miradas y expresiones. Linea de investigacion de interculturalidad y procesos educativos.

Gastronomic Interculturality of Mexican Mennonites

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 Patricia Islas Salinas and Justina Dick Janzen

The formation of the cultural identity of different groups occurs through both material and immaterial symbolic elements—territory, cultural spaces, customs and beliefs, clothing, language, and religion. This is the case of Mexican Mennonites; however, there are aspects that constitute their cultural heritage which have been scarcely documented.

This text addresses gastronomy as one of the meaningful cultural symbols in the identity of the Mennonites. Likewise, it analyzes the physical spaces of the home—such as the kitchen, the garden, and the vegetable patch—which represent tangible elements of identity constructed through everyday actions related to food. In these spaces, women recognize and re-signify themselves, finding areas for reflection, resilience, and catharsis, where they feel in control, useful, and valued.

The preparation of traditional foods reflects their lifestyle, idiosyncrasy, and the way in which women reconcile the natural environment with their role within the community, through knowledge learned and transmitted across generations and highly valued by other family members.

One hundred and four years after their arrival in San Antonio de los Arenales, now Cuauhtémoc, one can observe their adaptation to the environment where the daily life of families unfolds. They preserve their culinary tradition while blending the flavors of the mestizo culture to create new proposals with intercultural influence. The fusion of traditional Mennonite foods with local ingredients has transcended borders, becoming a valuable contribution to the intangible cultural heritage of the State of Chihuahua, Mexico, and of Latin America.

Culinary Cultural Identity

As in all cultures, among the Mennonites, the family is the main social institution. It is in the home where children learn and continue the customs and traditions, the mother tongue, the clothing, worship practices, and many symbolic elements that make up their worldview. The preparation of food has been one of the most important elements that reflects their identity—the use of original ingredients to recreate recipes that revive beliefs and ways of life through collective memory, recognizing knowledge about the processes of obtaining raw materials from planting, cultivation, and preservation methods learned from generation to generation to strengthen the community’s sense of belonging and resilience.

The kitchen is one of the most important spaces in a Mennonite home. There, hierarchy, values, and social meaning are shared and transmitted from parents to children. The table holds special significance for family members; the customs surrounding it are passed down to posterity, shaping the character of children. An important corollary of family worship is the practice of blessing the food: families pray before each meal in daily life and during festivities. Since ancient times in the Mennonite community, “The blessing of meals (usually audible, sometimes silent) was universal and probably the most evident religious activity in the home” (Kauffman, 1990). According to this author, Mennonite home worship practices have not been limited by the impact of secular forces such as urbanization and educational and economic advancement.

Commensality is related to the socialization of eating. Human beings turn certain practices into rituals that allow them to experience a sense of belonging—one of these being the act of sharing food and beverages. Grignon (2012) conceptualizes commensality as “a gathering aimed at achieving the collective realization of certain concrete tasks and symbolic obligations associated with the satisfaction of an individual biological need” (p. 12).

This form of coexistence becomes something that goes beyond consumption; that is, it becomes commensality when dishes begin to acquire meaning and aesthetic value, thus transitioning from culinary art to gastronomy, making these preparations part of the cultural identity of a people or ethnic group.

At present, the community of Mexican Mennonites residing in Cuauhtémoc is divided into two branches: conservatives and progressives. This division is determined by their interpretation of the Bible, which has led to affiliation with different branches of the Christian church. However, despite the diversity of thought, the guiding principles of Anabaptist identity are present in both factions, as well as the preservation of customs and traditions.

This study observes how Mennonites attach great importance to the preparation and consumption of traditional foods. They maintain ancestral gastronomic customs and traditions that have been passed down from generation to generation—such as a preference for certain ingredients and the ways of combining them to form traditional recipes. This occurs among both conservatives (or traditionalists) and progressives (or liberals). Nevertheless, both groups perceive that they are undergoing a process of social reconfiguration due to various factors such as globalization, modernity, new technologies, and the need for social interaction with the dominant community and with foreign communities.

“The cultural variation among Mennonite communities is clearly reflected in family traits and organization. Courtship patterns, marriage ceremonies, authority structures, family size, attitudes toward divorce, attitudes toward birth control, and other aspects of family life vary considerably among Mennonite communities.” (Kauffman, 1990)

History and Evolution

Some symbolic elements, such as gastronomy, have to some extent diminished among the younger generations, who devote less time to learning their mothers’ or grandmothers’ recipes. Moreover, interest in learning about their history and roots is gradually declining. Currently, some young women from the liberal faction have developed a sense of collective awareness and are making efforts to rescue traditions and customs through cultural events that foster interest in cultural identity, especially through art and gastronomy.

This research analyzes how groups preserve their traditions, beliefs, and customs through oral history, thereby strengthening collective memory—even though this very practice explains the scarcity of written documents containing traditional recipes and their histories.

The history of Mennonite gastronomy is marked by the need to preserve food, considering that survival depended on migration. For most of the population, the agricultural lifestyle has not changed drastically since their initial migration and continues to revolve around farming, vegetable gardens, and the kitchen. Products are used for domestic consumption, and today, a good percentage is also used for commercial exchange.

In Mennonite cuisine, the emphasis was on meats and starches, such as Kjielkje (noodles), and homemade foods were a priority. From the beginning, Mennonite cooking featured vegetables in many forms. Some staple foods included pickled vegetables like cucumbers or cabbage fermented into Süakommst (shredded cabbage in brine, also known as sauerkraut), cabbage or beet borscht (soup), beans, and root vegetables such as carrots, turnips, and potatoes—either cooked alone or in soups. Vegetables and soups were seasoned with Zippel (onion) and herbs from the garden.

Food Preservation

 The climate in Cuauhtémoc, Chihuahua, differs greatly from that of other cities: summers are not very hot, and winters are extremely cold, which determines the types of crops that can be grown. Through their diaspora, the Mennonites learned to adapt to the conditions of the places where they settled, ensuring that everything needed for the different seasons could be canned, dried, smoked, or preserved using ancestral techniques passed down from generation to generation. It is difficult to find a Mennonite household without a pantry full of jars of preserved vegetables and fruits.

These same techniques and customs are still maintained in Mennonite communities living in other Mexican states, as well as in various Latin American countries, where they adapt to the typical fruits and vegetables of each region in which they live.

Although modern life and its influence on the younger generations threaten the Mennonite social structure, the preparation and preservation of food still require family participation. Mothers teach their daughters the art of cultivating and harvesting vegetables and milking cows to cook traditional recipes in particular, while men are expected to assist their fathers in fieldwork.

Appropriation of Customs

Some traditional recipes have been adapted according to the Mexican ingredients available in the Mennonites’ everyday context. An example of this is Mennonite soups such as Sommerborsch and Rindsbraten (beef stew), to which chili is often added.

On the other hand, the evolution and adoption of customs and traditions among the new generations can be observed and reflected upon, such as the introduction of carne asada and other dishes for Sundays, replacing the traditional faspa that families enjoy after church.

In past generations, Mennonites maintained various social and cultural barriers that resisted acculturation, but these seem to be weakening as Mennonites increasingly participate in the broader social networks of society. […] However, not everything is negative, since some social trends are favorable to the family, such as increased economic resources and more positive treatment of women in society (Krahn & Kauffman, 1989).

Faspa is a Low German word with no direct translation. The pioneers were mostly dedicated to farming; their work was arduous and lengthy, so they used to return home in the mid-afternoon to eat something, refresh themselves, and continue working for a few more hours.

For the new generations of Mennonites, Faspa has more to do with the shared Sunday meal—something similar to coffee or tea time among mestizos or other cultural groups. “It emphasizes the fellowship of family and friends who gather to drink coffee or tea, eat zwieback or other baked goods, butter, and jam, and it may also include cheese, cold cuts, cakes, and cookies.” (Wiebe, 2018, p. 1)

“La Carnita Asada”: Cuauhtémoc Identity Among Mexican Mennonites

Looking back through time, one can observe the construction of the identity of Mexican Mennonites in a diachronic manner. Factors such as interculturality, coexistence, and necessity have led to a fusion not only of ingredients but also of customs.

Mennonite cultural identity is deeply rooted; collective memory and heritage play an essential role in its preservation for future generations. Within their worldview, recipes and food are fundamental to maintaining this identity. For this reason, within the family environment, traditional dishes are still prepared, and efforts are made to obtain the main ingredients.

After so many migrations, it would be easy to assume that Mennonite culture had changed; however, their religion, principles, and the Low German language have remained intact. Their cuisine, however, has preserved many of its Dutch and German characteristics, later influenced by Russian elements and now increasingly by Mexican techniques and ingredients. (Hursh, 2017, p. 33)

Customs surrounding main daily events constitute an important family bond; mealtimes, prayer, and food practices continue to be preserved as much as possible.

In Chihuahua, a common custom among Mexican families is the preparation and enjoyment of carne asada (grilled meat). On Sundays, it is typical to go out to the countryside or gather at someone’s home to enjoy food, music, and social interaction. Young adults and new generations of Mexican Mennonites have learned to combine Faspa with the carne asada tradition on Sundays, reaffirming their identity as Mexican Mennonites.

Let’s Eat Beans and Tortillas

When the Mennonites arrived in the Cuauhtémoc region, they brought with them kitchen utensils, prepared foods, wheat flour, and ingredients to make their own dishes. However, as days went by, they realized the need to start plowing and planting the seeds they had brought. Their disappointment was great when they discovered the rocky and dry soil of the land they had purchased.

This led to their first intercultural relationship with the mestizos, from whom they learned about local crops. They observed that the soil was suitable for growing corn and beans, and they exchanged knowledge and techniques to cook beans and corn tortillas, which provided the energy needed for this type of diet. Bread had to wait until the harvest and the development of new ways to cultivate wheat. (Oral communication, Peters, A., 2017)

The fusion of raw materials brought from Canada and the United States with those grown and purchased in Cuauhtémoc has given rise to delicious recipes such as the following:

  • Russian Beef Soup: This Russian soup originated when the Mennonites lived as farmers in Ukraine. It is made with beef shank meat and bone to give it richness from the marrow; later, Mexican chiles and tomatoes were added to the recipe.
  • Pickled Green Tomatoes: Prepared with sugar and vinegar, the original recipe has been fused with chilaca chiles, which grow only in Chihuahua and, when dried, are called pasilla chiles. This recipe is unique to the Mennonites of Cuauhtémoc.
  • Chihuahua Meatball Soup: These are beef meatballs with vegetables and rice. The Mennonites fused the ingredients and added potatoes and cream, or sometimes prepare them with chicken.
  • Sopaipillas: A Mexican recipe made from wheat flour tortillas cut into pieces and fried, then sprinkled with cinnamon and sugar. The Mennonites adopted this dish but serve it warm with honey or jam.

Empowerment Processes from the Kitchen

Gender roles in the community of Mexican Mennonites have a patriarchal focus: women are assigned to the private sphere, while men act within the public one. The literal observance and obedience to the word of the Bible have been used to justify these gender roles, in which the woman is subordinated to the orders and decisions of the man.

“The first woman and the first man were given work. And it was good. They were to responsibly care for the rest of creation in exchange for the pleasure and nourishment they received. Together they were to cultivate and care (serve and protect).” (Nyce, 1989)

This division of labor by gender roles has led to the assignment of spaces for planting, cultivation, and food production to women’s labor. For Mennonite women, the vegetable garden demands constant care, as it provides the raw materials for preparing food; the garden represents beauty and nature, as well as a space for communion with God; while the kitchen becomes a place of creation, where everyday experience transforms into cultural and spiritual expression. Food becomes a way to connect with their ancestors. Housewives recreate recipes passed down through generations, recover traditional production methods, and guard them as treasures of cultural identity.

One of the main findings of this study is the empowerment of women through the preparation and recreation of traditional recipes, especially among the traditionalist faction. In Ciudad Cuauhtémoc, the Haund & Hoat gastronomic contest is held as part of the “Festival de las Tres Culturas,” organized by the Cuauhtémoc Institute of Culture. Its purpose is to make visible, raise awareness of, and value the work of Mennonite women, as participants recreate these recipes and propose their own gastronomic fusions. This event has allowed women to highlight their culinary skills without stepping outside their socially accepted role as homemakers, since it is an activity that is well-regarded by the community.

Some factors, such as elements of globalization, have influenced the creation of new recipes and the incorporation of mestizo or Rarámuri ingredients into traditional Mennonite dishes. This has led to an interesting process of mestizo-Mennonite intercultural cooking, where one can observe evolution, transformation, and the design of new recipes that combine ingredients from both cultures. This fusion has given rise to a new gastronomic term: Menomex cuisine, which continues to evolve as Mexican Mennonites bring it to other regions of Latin America—such as Bolivia, Belize, Paraguay, and Colombia—where it merges with local ingredients.

References

Grignon, Claude. (2012). Comensalidad y morfología social: un ensayo de tipologías. Apuntes de investigación del CECYP, (22) Recuperado en 06 de junio de 2023, de http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1851 98142012000200002&lng=es&tlng=es.

Hursh, K. (2017). “Immigrant Cooking in Mexico: The Mennonite Kitchens of Chihuahua,” Preservings No. 37, 2017. Plett Historical Research Foundation, Inc.

Kauffman, J. Howard. (1990). Family Worship. Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. Retrieved 28 October 2025, from https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Family_Worship&oldid=162932

Krahn, Cornelius and J. Howard Kauffman. (1989). Family. Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. Retrieved 27 October 2025, from https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Family&oldid=161244

Nyce, Dorothy Yoder. (1989). Gender Roles. Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. Retrieved 28 October 2025, from https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Gender_Roles&oldid=143578

Wiebe, Victor G. (February 2018). Faspa (word). Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. Retrieved 8 August 2022, from https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Faspa_(word)&oldid=156811

Mexican Mennonites: from Religious Group to Ethnic Group, a Perspective from Cultural Anthropology

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Dr. Patricia Islas Salinas

From their formation as an Anabaptist religious group in the sixteenth century during the Protestant Reformation, Mennonites have defended their beliefs and values through community sentiments and a religious identity that is based on their relationship with the Bible. The importance of faith and the notion of grace allowed them to survive the sociocultural atrocities they have suffered since their founding and that today distinguishes them from other groups.

In the 1870s, after experiencing a complicated diaspora, opportunities for growth as a society and Anabaptist community during one hundred years in Russia, and the imminence of the government imposition to end the privilegium, the more conservative Mennonites migrated to Canada and were afforded fifty years more of traditional community life. However, history repeated itself and the group was divided. Those who were not disposed to coalesce to the governmental provisions concerning their education and language decided to retreat, directing their gaze toward the Latin American continent.

The history of the Mennonites in Mexico began in 1922 when they decided to emigrate, driven by the conviction of preserving their group under the canons of their lifestyle and way of thinking, under an agreement with General Álvaro Obregón, president of Mexico, who granted a privilegium which allowed the purchase of the lands offered in the northwest of the state of Chihuahua, including the inhospitable Bustillos land. This series of events formed the San Antonio de los Arenales Agricultural Colony created for the settlers who were already there when the Mennonites arrived practically at the same time and the two groups began life in what is now known as Cuauhtémoc.

The original members of the Mennonite community in Cuauhtémoc, Chihuahua, Mexico, were undoubtedly the basis for the ethnic origin of this group, using religious worship first as a means of keeping the community together, and later, to remain isolated from the receiving community. Under the provision of preventing women and children from learning Spanish and living with the Mestizos, they managed to ensure that the majority preserved their traditional lifestyle.

A central pillar of Mennonite community is the family, where education in values ​​based on the Christocentric perspective is practiced. The primary means to achieve these values is enculturation. This phenomenon occurs in the family nucleus and is defined by the learning of traditions, customs and ways of thinking developed over time and inherited from parents to children so that children usually reflect domestic and cultural life in their practices, as indicated by Harris et al (1990) who argues, “enculturation is a partially conscious and partially unconscious learning experience through which the older generation encourages and forces the younger generation to adopt traditional ways of thinking and behaving” (4). Coupled with the sense of union and collaborative work to survive, some of the defining characteristics of group members are the values of being self-taught, self-managed, self-contained and the defense of their traditions and customs. 

The cultural study of groups concerning the anthropology of everyday life is highlighted by Agnes Heller who observes, “daily life is the set of activities that characterize the reproduction of particular men, which, in turn, create the possibility of social reproduction” (25). Following Heller’s maxim, “everyday life is the reflection of history,” it can be deduced that Mennonites have preserved their worldview from the collective memory of their traits such as clothing, gastronomy, labor according to gender roles, religious worship at different times of the day, Faspa and other aspects that are observed in the day-to-day life of family members.

After the settlers arrived, the Mexican Mennonite identity was born. They acquired the nationality of the country that had welcomed them by decree, thus forming a unique community in the world with very specific ethnic and cultural characteristics. Integration and cultural homogenization characterize an ethnic group, as well as persistence and the right to cultural difference in a context that, of course, is not their own and, therefore, requires a greater effort from the social actors, who forge their identity from family nuclei thus converting ethnicity into a social process from the perspective of the other, of the different. “There are those who define an ethnic group, not by one or another cultural and identity qualities, but because they are bearers of a culture and an identity that is maintained and reproduced in opposition to others that are dominant” (Pérez, M. 2007, 40).

In this sense, the Mexican Mennonites are an ethnic group due to the contemporary cultural specificity that comes from the original group, which sowed the worldview that gives them ethnic identity, a product of the interrelationships between generations through social, political and power practices among the members of the community since they have their own socio-political and economic system, as well as their cultural norms, community conflict resolution mechanisms and decisions based on their own authorities who work partially and conveniently with the Mestizo authorities.

Members of ethnic groups see themselves as culturally different from other social groups, and are perceived by others in the same way. There are various characteristics that can serve to distinguish some ethnic groups from others, but the most common are language, history or ancestry (real or imagined), religion and ways of dressing or adorning themselves (Giddens, 2000, p.281).

In the Cuauhtémoc region of Chihuahua, the Mennonites are perceived as one of the representative ethnic groups in the area and they are accepted and recognized as peaceful and hard-working people. However, at present, and despite the efforts of the first generations, enculturation no longer provides society with generations that pursue the same ideals and share the same thoughts and actions. Today, there is the phenomenon of the generational gap conceptualized by Margaret Mead that reflects on the evolution of the knowledge acquired under the daily experience of the new generations and the guidelines that the sociocultural context is marking them.

Individuals in a semi-insular society, such as that of the Mexican Mennonites, are immersed, on the one hand, in the daily life of their family and community and, on the other, in the dominant culture and the coexistence necessary to form part of the geographic context and socioeconomic, this generates that they are influenced by different factors such as learning the dominant language, the interrelation with people of different ethnic groups and thought, the use of new technologies, etc., which are interspersed with those learned in the family nucleus, and undoubtedly, these are stronger and the roots of their formation and cultural identity continue to be preserved.

In the Cuauhtémoc region there are two primary Mennonite colonies, Manitoba and Swift Current, the members of both communities coexist in a cordial and united way despite being divided into two main groups, the conservative (traditional) and the liberal (progressive), even when there is a diversity of churches, the guiding axis of all groups is religious Anabaptism. 

From the analysis of daily life, it is observed that the members of the Mennonite ethnic group have a strong sense of cultural identity and refer to it from a different perspective. On one hand, the conservatives are the ones who monitor the ancestral traditions and customs, decide to continue with the traditional educational system, and reject many aspects of modernity and intercultural relations, while those of the liberal branch have begun to use ethnicity as a strategy of continuity of the sense of belonging and community identity through practices and cultural and value meanings, such as the use of social networks to promote their culture, support for the Mennonite cultural center and museum, because even when they have been affected by modernity and globalization, they see themselves as different as they are seen by the dominant society.

Finally, within this cultural analysis, a noteworthy fact is the one that refers to the sociocultural openness of the liberal community with respect to mixed marriages where Mestizos are attracted and converted to the Anabaptist religion, some churches have become true intercultural spaces where the new generations share the education and values ​​of both ethnic groups creating new possibilities for community growth.

Factors like these have been creating differences within the community of Mexican Mennonites. Traditions are social constructions, and therefore, cultural exchange fosters a variation of existing and new traditions especially in the new generations.  

Additionally, tradition is a social construction that changes temporally, from one generation to another; and spatially, from one place to another. That is, tradition varies within each culture, over time and according to social groups; and between different cultures (Arévalo, J. 2010, Para. 8). 

In the Mennonite community of northwestern Chihuahua, the daily practice of rituals, attendance at Sunday service, solidarity between families, and the Anabaptist religious conviction that the sacred word and the commandments should guide their daily actions act as a mechanism of social cohesion between the members of both factions, however, the mere fact of being Mexican also generates a sense of belonging to the country where they were born.

References

Arevalo, J. (2010). Heritage as collective representation. The intangibility of cultural assets

Harris, M., Bordoy, V., Revuelta, F., & Velasco, HM (1990) Cultural Anthropology. Madrid: Publishing Alliance.

Heller, A. (1987). Sociology of Everyday Life (No. 301 H45Y).

Giddens, A. (2000). Ethnicity and race. Sociology, 277-315.